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- <text id=94TT0998>
- <title>
- Aug. 01, 1994: Interview:Struggling to Make History
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
- Aug. 01, 1994 This is the beginning...:Rwanda/Zaire
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- INTERVIEW, Page 40
- Struggling to Make History
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p> Gerry Adams talks about peace with the British
- </p>
- <p>By Gerry Adams, John Stacks, Barry Hillenbrand
- </p>
- <p> In Belfast a bomb has blown up a truck and the British army
- has sealed off much of the Catholic Falls Road area. So Sinn
- Fein leader Gerry Adams arrived a bit late for his interview
- with TIME deputy managing editor John Stacks and London bureau
- chief Barry Hillenbrand. In discussion: the conditions for participation
- of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican Army,
- in peace talks with the British.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: Over the past year, once bitter enemies in South Africa
- and the Middle East have made tremendous progress in working
- together. Why haven't you tried to seize the moment here with
- the British?
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: I don't believe that reflects a sensible notion because
- both of those complex situations ((in South Africa and the Middle
- East)) came into public prominence after years of private and
- presumably secret deliberations. We have deep-rooted conflict
- here, the legacy of some hundreds of years. The last year has
- seen a remarkable turnaround, but it's important that what we
- achieve in the end is lasting and has a solid foundation.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: But it looks as if Sinn Fein is unwilling to renounce
- violence as a precondition for talking.
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: We will talk now. Sinn Fein isn't the obstacle to
- talks. There needs to be dialogue without preconditions.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: You think the demand for a cessation of violence is
- a precondition?
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: I don't think it should be. They talked to us up until
- last November without preconditions. What they are doing is
- simply taking a negotiating stance. But the whole lesson of
- history is that you have to have dialogue. The presence of preconditions
- simply puts that day off.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: Do you mean you and your party will not say "We renounce
- violence" at this weekend's Sinn Fein conference or anytime
- down the road?
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: I don't remember Nelson Mandela renouncing violence
- or Arafat genuflecting. It's a two-way process to bring about
- a demilitarization, to get those involved in armed action to
- stop. No sane person wants to be engaged in violence. But to
- put preconditions on people prematurely only makes the situation
- more problematic. Sinn Fein doesn't advocate violence. We don't
- advocate armed struggle. We have suffered from the violence.
- I want to see an unarmed strategy. I want to see a situation
- where the I.R.A. ceases activities. But the people who are looking
- down their guns at us are saying, well, you can't talk to us
- unless you renounce violence. To me it's all meaningless, it's
- all platitudes.
- </p>
- <p> There is nothing in my political life, or in fact in my other
- life, that gives me any reason to trust the British. I think
- every Republican wants peace. But they are not war weary. They
- don't want to just give up.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: Many believe you are committed to joining the peace
- process but you are having trouble convincing your colleagues
- in the movement.
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: No, not at all. There is no evidence at all of the
- perennial suggestion of a Republican split; there will be no
- Republican split. The difficulty is caused by the fact that
- until we kick-started this process there was no talk about a
- peace settlement. We had to bring the British government reluctantly
- around to the notion of looking for a new arrangement. We have
- to make sure we have a solid foundation; there are elements
- of the Downing Street Declaration, a joint peace plan presented
- by Prime Ministers John Major of Britain and Albert Reynolds
- of Ireland in December 1993, that are not a solid foundation.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: But something has begun that makes it impossible for
- you to turn back?
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: We are absolutely into a new phase. It might not quite
- be an irreversible thrust forward, but there is certainly a
- new situation. For all the parties involved there is a new attitude
- here.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: History is full of moments that have been missed.
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: Of course I could be wrong. We have made some mistakes,
- but generally speaking we have moved the situation from one
- where the political landscape was iced over. We were able to
- break the stagnation even though from my point of view it has
- been painfully slow. The delay has been created by the British
- failure to engage meaningfully.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: What compromises have you made?
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: The time for compromise is when we agree to the broad
- shape of the future. Our key contribution was getting this started.
- After the Downing Street Declaration, we persisted in asking
- for clarifications and accepted them even though they came through
- the press and the Dublin government. Despite all the prevarications,
- we have doggedly pushed forward.
- </p>
- <p> Q. TIME: Yet on the international stage the burden of progress
- has been shifted to you.
- </p>
- <p> A. Adams: I'm very conscious of that. I know that once you start
- throwing the ball, your enemies will throw it right back at
- you. So we have the ball, we have possession, and we are going
- to run with it.
- </p>
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
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